Copyright 2014 Kristen Ann Ehrenberger

 


A Social History Chicago: Robert Hurley, 3 vol. Georg Thieme, ; Dornblüth, Diätetisches Kochbuch , Presumably a nurse was responsible for this procedure. Die Naturheilbewegung in Deutschland als Protest gegen die naturwissenschaftliche Universitätsmedizin, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 73, no.

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Ashgate, ; L. Basil Blackwell, ; orig. Soziogenetische und psychogenetische Untersuchungen, 2. The Care of the Self, trans. Robert Hurley New York: Seine Schüler, MmW , no. Precise dates for the switch from individual to social hygiene vary by country: In Making a Social Body, Mary Poovey finds a conceptual shift among elite British reformers in the debates around pauperism and the New Poor Law , while Anna Davin s analysis coalesces around empire and eugenics starting in the s; see Imperialism and Motherhood, History Workshop 5 Spring Radikaler Nationalismus im Deutschen Kaiserreich Göttingen: Susanne Michl, Im Dienste des Volkskörpers: Beiträge zur Sozialgeschichte der Medizin, ed.

Verlagshaus der Ärzte, At first glance, the telescopic perspective is very German. If thinking hierarchically was every German s second nature, then thinking communally may have been his first, writes one historian, and the telescopic body is nothing if not communal and hierarchical.

While my dissertation describes experiences of eating and drinking in a particular time and place, the theory of the telescopic perspective could be applied to other bio medicalizing Western societies, as long as the primary sources bear this out Margaret Lavinia Anderson, Practicing Democracy: Princeton University Press, , Letters to a Friend in Germany New York: Science, Technology, and Medicine since the Early s, ed.

Marcus, and David M. Harvard University Press, , , Adele E. Technoscience and Transformations of Health and Illness in the U. Technology, Politics, and Ethics as Anthropological Problems, ed. On the Transformation Put another way, modern, scientific medicine introduced scalar thinking by multiplying and linking the sites of investigation and control, from the constitutive parts of the individual subject of personal hygiene nutrients, hormones, cells, organs to the collective subjects of public health family, city, nation.

Simmel made another observation pertinent to this discussion. He noted that just as a modern city extends beyond its cartographic boundaries through the movement of people, goods, money, and ideas, so a person does not end with the limits of his physical body or with the area to which his physical activity is immediately confined but embraces, rather, the totality of meaningful effects which emanates from him temporally and spatially.

The politics of the table Despite the population growth and urbanization that caused such anxiety, concomitant modernization of the food supply prevented the realization of Malthusian predictions of competition over scarce food resources during peacetime. Implikationen für Sachsen, in UnGleichzeitig-keiten: Transformationsprozesse in der ländlichen Gesellschaft der Vor- Moderne, ed.

Thelem, , Kopsidis argues that until about , the agricultural revolution depended less on industrialization than on landholders and laborers working together to maximize traditional knowledges and technologies. For instance, only in the s could most Germans purchase fresh, unspoiled saltwater fish from a local shop. In fact, the empire imported not only finished goods like canned meat and tropical fruits Südfrüchte but also much of the fertilizer and animal fodder that sustained its own agricultural production.

Ashgate, ; ibid. Geschichte und regionale Prägung, Münster: Coppenrath, , ; and several contributions to Edith Heischkel-Artelt, ed. Die Schwerarbeiterfrage, Berlin: Reimar Hobbing, early Dec. Still, not all city slickers depended entirely on the market for all their food needs. Some middle-class families owned lots big enough on which to keep a vegetable garden and a potato patch, and they might board a pig with a farmer. By the urban poor ate a better diet than their counterparts did a century earlier, but it was not as rich and varied as the meals served in restaurants and middle-class homes.

By and large they could only afford cheaper substitutes: Lang, , esp. Hans Jürgen Teuteberg, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, , ; ibid. Literatur für Küche und Haus aus dem Deutschen Kochbuchmuseum, ed. Middle- and lower-middle-class families made sure to serve meat preferably beef or pork for the big Sunday dinner, settled for bacon or fish for weekday dinners, and frequently ate meatless suppers.

Meanwhile, many working-class families were lucky if they could afford bacon or innards for Sunday dinner and often went without meat during the week. And their stomachs were full. Interviews with Germans who were children of working-class parents in the s and s reveal differences in diet based on income, number of children, and whether the household had access to land to keep a garden and maybe livestock.

Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, , Analysis based on the suggested weekly diets for a family of four whose economic status could be described as better-off, [average], or very poor. Commission des Verbandes Arbeiterwohl, Das h usliche Gl ck.

Vollst ndiger Haushaltungsunterricht ne st nleitung zum Kochen r r eiter rauen. Die Bäuche waren ja voll. Blank, Das häusliche Glück, For other examples of the misery of the proletariat around Europe, see the two volumes of socialist propaganda published as Otto Rühle, Illustrierte Kultur- und Sittengeschichte des Proletariats Berlin: Neuer Deutscher Verlag, As a child he wondered why his father didn t ask his mother to cook meat more often; only later did he realize it was beyond their means.

On alcoholism among workers: Feeding a Family, in Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London, New York: Eine sozial- und kulturwissenscha tliche Ein hrung in die Ern hrungsforschung, 2.

Whether or not this practice had existed in some bucolic, pre-industrial past, the domestic lunch came to be imbued with the responsibility of representing the German family, especially as industrial time and growing distances between home and work made it difficult for everyone to gather at the table at midday.

School generally ended in time for the children to eat at home. Gender and generational roles surrounded the table. According to one household guide that reveals more about middle-class assumptions than working-class practices, it was the husband s responsibility to provide the bread literally and figuratively and the wife s to make a proper meal out of it: He must bring the bread home and provide the food in the kitchen; but through your thrift you must provide the butter for the bread and the meat for the pot.

Das häusliche Glück, Fewer and fewer households baked their own bread, preferring to delegate this time- and fuel-consuming task to commercial bakeries.

On the social capital associated with the breadwinner ideal, Jan de Vries, The Industrious Revolution: Cambridge University Press, ; Marion W. Gray, Productive Men, Reproductive Women: Ueber die Stimmung bei Tisch, Dresdner Hausfrau 28, no.

Herde, Das Tischgespräch, DH 28, no. The more civilization and education a people has attained, the more care its women devote to the preparation of food; through the art of the kitchen they make sure that foods in the pot, in the frying pan, or in the oven are transformed such that they delight tongue and gums with their pleasant flavor.

Therefore it is one of the most important duties of the housewife to learn well the art of cooking and to continually perfect it. My model therefore intercalates the family as a node of analysis between the individual and the social. It is a natural level of abstraction in the eating and drinking telescopic body, because most Germans lived in households that shopped, cooked, and supped together. Drum ist es eine der wichtigsten Pflichten der Hausfrau, die Kunst des Kochens gut zu lernen und sich stets darin zu vervollkommnen.

Statistisches Jahrbuch , , 4. After the census, living situations were described as single, household, and institution. The numbers were almost the same in Saxony, with a slightly higher percentage of boarders: Therefore, consider the table as the real and metaphorical site where biological needs met sociocultural forces.

For the purposes of this dissertation, that often means the family dining table, but it includes the tray brought into a sick room and the bench where workers ate on their breaks. The politics of the table therefore refers to what Germans as individuals could choose to do for their health, for the good of the Volk, and in support of the local or national economy.

It also refers to the ways in which various groups tried to influence each other to eat and drink certain things and not others. For all the talk of the modern individual s ability to fashion his or her own lifestyle, physicians, nutritionists, and reformers were not merely providing different options from which individuals could select what suited their personal tastes, budgets, and time to shop and cook.

They cared very much what choices were made. This is why domestic scientist Hedwig Heyl encouraged her readers to drink water for the refreshment of their bodies and the prosperity of both the private household and the state. Meals should create the bonds of family: Current nutritional education campaigns are in many ways no less coercive or paternalistic.

Regionalgeschichte, , Seen in this way, a good, delicious diet is not only a private enjoyment but also a patriotic duty. Ernst von Leyden and Georg Klemperer, 2. Georg Thieme, , In this second edition, Klemperer added a discussion of table manners to von Leyden s description of Germans vs.

The dissertation ends in with a discussion of how food science and public policy changed after the Nazis power grab set the country on the road to World War II, in which the Germans used food rationing as a weapon against inferior groups of people i.

Although I am writing a history of events that happened before and just after the National Socialists seizure of power in , it is not a pre-history to the Third Reich. The science I discuss did not bring Adolf Hitler to power, but it did inform the doctrine of living space Lebensraum and shape how his fascist government waged the coming war.

I have consciously omitted beverages and drinking from the bulk of my analysis out of respect for the large and growing literature on infant and maternal health, temperance, food innovation and marketing, colonial linkages, class cultures, etc. Breast milk, cow s milk, fruit juice, beer, coffee, tea, and cocoa do appear on the pages of this dissertation; and although I do not scrutinize them as closely as the meat, potatoes, vegetables, and baked goods that also appear, I assume they follow the telescopic model just as well.

Collingham, The Taste of War: Diätetik, Naturheilkunde, Nationalsozialismus, sozialer Anspruch Stuttgart: Since the nineteenth century, the capital of Dresden has been called the Florence of the Elbe das Elbflorenz for its baroque architecture, art museums, and Semper Opera House. Johann Sebastian Bach lived in Leipzig for the last 27 years of his life, and the excellent reputation of the Leipzig Conservatory est.

More recently, Kurt Vonnegut s novel Slaughterhouse-Five made the Allied firebombing of Dresden on February a common pop-cultural referent in the English-reading world. Leipzig hosted massive peaceful Monday demonstrations in the waning years of the German Democratic Republic GDR that contributed to the fall of that dictatorship. An old saw Money is earned in Chemnitz, multiplied in Leipzig, and distributed in Dresden stereotypes Saxony s three largest cities: The city of Zwickau has been synonymous with automobiles for over a century, hosting the Horch and Audi factories; 89 In Chemnitz werde das Geld verdient, in Leipzig werde es vermehrt und in Dresden werde es ausgegeben.

Dresdner Unternehmer im Jahrhundert, Dresdner Hefte 26, no. Bürgertum und Bürgerlichkeit in Dresden Jan. Produktion, Handel und Verbrauch, in Landesgeschichte in Sachsen: Tradition und Innovation, ed. Ulmer, , , ,. Chemnitz, sometimes called Germany s Manchester, was chosen for the honor of being renamed Karl-Marx-City for its industrial importance. Meanwhile, Dresden and Leipzig, the German Empire s fourth and fifth largest cities at the turn of the century, tended to support lighter industries like cigarettes, chocolate, and wicker in addition to their main employers: Workshops in the nearby town of Meissen still produce its trade-marked porcelain, invented in on orders from Elector Frederick August I as a lucrative domestic alternative to imported Chinese porcelain.

In , parliamentary power in the Kingdom of Saxony was concentrated in the hands of conservative rural and economic elites, while popular politics in red Saxony were heavily influenced by the home-grown Socialist Party of Germany SPD and its appeals to the proletarian masses.

Wirtschaftswachstum im Kaiserreich Jan. Thomas Adam and Ruth V. Besides the art and hygiene museums, in the s the Jahresschau Deutscher Arbeit hosted a series of yearly exhibitions to showcase German industries. See Georg Seiring and Marta Fraenkel, eds. Klien s speech for the closing celebration of the second International Hygiene Exhibition 2.

September , docs , Nr. Culture, Society, and Politics, , ed. James Retallack, Ann Arbor: Die sächsische Sozialdemokratie im Wilhelminischen Deutschland, in Both the monarchy until and the democratically elected socialist governments fostered public health campaigns and policies that encouraged personal responsibility for one s health and especially after World War I for the health of Saxons and Germans as a whole.

A combination of geography and influential personalities fostered a booming health industry. Hilly-to-mountainous land on the southern border flattens into the northern plain that hosted Napoleon s first major defeat, at the Battle of the Nations in die Völkerschlacht.

Like western Bohemia, southern Saxony boasted numerous mineral spas, sanatoria, and rest homes catering to vacationers, medical tourists and pensioners in the Sachsen im Kaiserreich: Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im Umbruch, ed. University of Michigan Press, , Fairbairn relies on Benjamin Lapp, Revolution from the Right: Humanities Press International, ; and ibid.

Reiner Pommerin, Cologne: For more background, see Claus-Christian W. University of Michigan Press, Ein Wort zur Ausstellung Richtige Ernährung, doc. Siegfried Möller , who touted cold wet wraps and the Schroth cure fasting. As one author has aptly phrased it, The Kingdom of Saxony was both cradle and stronghold of the naturopathy movement.

Franz Steiner Verlag, , See e. Schäfer, issenscha tlicher F hrer durch Dresden. Diätkost und Körperkultur als Suche nach neuen Lebensstilformen Stuttgart: Philanthropic-industrialist Karl August Lingner s various enterprises, from his Odol mouthwash factory est. Finally, medical education was available at the University of Leipzig est. Living in a milieu suffused with both academic medicine and the natural healing arts, Saxons could hardly help but view their bodies through a combination of physiology and holism, personal experience and popular hygiene education.

Conclusion Scholars of bodies have paid particular attention to the historical importance of sexual health and reproduction.

The first was the University of Marburg. Berghahn Books, ; ibid. Monthly Review Press, But eugenics, pronatalism, and racial hygiene were not the only politics of the body in the Imperial, Weimar, and Nazi periods: Germans also experienced their bodies through physical exercise, fashion, military service and especially disability resulting from it.

I examine Germans as eating, drinking, and digesting bodies. A Social History Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Reiss, Jugend, ode, Geschlecht: Campus Verlag, ; Patricia Brattig, ed. German Victims of the Great War, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Von der Vergreisung des Volkskörpers zum demographischen Wandel der Gesellschaft: Geschichte und Gegenwart des deutschen Alterungsdiskurses im Ge So Lei, ed. Hans Körner and Angela Stercken, , Band 1: Cultural Productions of Nation Providence: Prickett, Body Crisis, Identity Crisis: Homosexuality and Aesthetics in Wilhelmine- and Weimar Germany diss.

Cincinnati, ; George L. Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality: Stanford University Press, ; Sander L. Late-nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Germans also liked to paraphrase gourmand Jean Anthelme Brillat- Savarin s quotation of a French aphorism: One does not live on what one eats but on what one digests.

This is where scientific knowledge about nutrition is incorporated into the telescopic body. As biological processes enmeshed with sociocultural practices, eating and digestion offer insights into interpersonal relationships and social bodies, too.

In fact, you are what you eat is philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach s complimentary summation of the scientific and political materialism in physiologist Jacob Moleschott s book, Der Kreislauf des Lebens The Life Cycle. Charpentier, , Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Anfängerinnen und angehenden Hausfrauen, Ursachen und Abhilfe, Thalysia-Ratgeber Nr.

Verlag Thalysia Paul Garms, [? Kamminga and Andrew Cunningham, Atlanta: Feuerbach and Dietetics of Antisemitism, in Cultures of the Abdomen: The ramifications of each level of magnification were telescoped and concretized in the meals that were prescribed and eaten, such that dietary pronouncements and actual food habits had real implications on personal and group identity, class warfare, religious tolerance, and citizenship who and whatever you are!

Nutrition in the Laboratory, Answer to J. When the lump has risen, maybe for an hour, roll it out flat and cut out donuts of the desired size with a pastry-cutting wheel. Let them rise again and deep-fry them in grease and Palmin [margarine]. They are then strewn with sugar. Numerous state food control laboratories, eminent chemists, and physicians describe Kunerol as the best cooking fat, which equals the purest butter in every respect.

Now this healthful, pure plant fat has been churned with butter aroma from carefully pasteurized milk to produce the plant-butter Kunerona. As a matter of fact, it is indistinguishable from butter in both appearance and taste, which is why although completely free of animal fats it must be called margarine according to the law. I have had opportunity to recommend Kunerol and especially Kunerona for healthy as well as sick individuals and declare my utter satisfaction with this cooking fat.

It is particularly well tolerated by those with gastrointestinal disorders and is readily accepted [in place of butter] on account of its pure and unadulterated taste. In addition to these advantages, there is also the high fat content, the total lack of acidity and germs, and the exceptionally low salt content of Kunerona-Butter, such that these products can be described as a valuable addition to dietetics for the healthy and sick.

Sie werden dann mit Zucker bestreut. Dresdner Hausfrau 11, no. Interestingly, Palmin was not one of the many plant-based cooking fats advertised in the DH, so I have paired this recipe with two notices about palm-oil Kunerona. Ich habe das Kunerol und besonders die Kunerona sowohl bei Kranken, wie bei Gesunden anzuwenden Gelegenheit gehabt und spreche Ihnen meine ausserordentliche Zufriedenheit mit diesen Speisefetten aus.

Sie wurden speziell auch von Magen- und Darmkranken gut vertragen und wurden auch ihres reinen und unverfälschten Geschmackes wegen gerne genommen. Zu diesen Vorzügen kommt der hohe Fettgehalt, die absolute Säure- und Keimfreiheit und der äusserst geringe Salzgehalt der Kunerona-Butter, sodass diese Produkte als eine wertvolle Bereicherung der Diätetik für Gesunde und Kranke bezeichnet werden können.

Oktober Dresdner Hausfrau 11, no. In this essay, I draw on primary and secondary sources to describe the broad range of knowledge available from folk wisdom to mainstream laboratory science to the life reform movement Lebensreformbewegung to consider what it was possible for Germans to know about the science of nutrition over these four decades.

They encountered ideas about foods and their effects on bodies not only in magazine advertisements like those above, but also in cookbooks and textbooks, lectures and exhibitions, and encounters with a variety of healers. Against this backdrop we can attempt to measure changes in knowledge and practice among scientists, hygienists, and ordinary lay persons when nutritional science was applied in clinical dietetics Chapter 1 , popular hygiene education Chapter 2 , and food production in industrial and domestic kitchens Chapter 3.

Participation in these and other dialogues contributed to a reductive biologization of Germans experiences of food and digestion that became the lower half of the telescopic body. The upper half grew out of nationalist concerns for the strength of das Volk that spread during and after World War I and is the subject of Part II. We must attend to such a variety of sources, actors, and sites of application, because nutritional knowledge extended along a continuum of expertise from biochemists and physiologists on one end through physicians, nutritionists, and teachers to cookbook authors, housewives, and ordinary lay Germans on the other.

There are many reasons why it was and is difficult to divide the group of persons who know something about food and health into dietary experts on the one hand and amateurs on the other. First, food is an everyday reality; as most people eat and drink multiple times per day, they feel and often are best poised to know what tastes A housewife in s Bautzen, for example, did not need to know which fats made up butter or margarine, just that science, technology, and empire had given her choices in bread spreads.

Finally, information flow is not unidirectional from the conceptual and physical spaces of the laboratory to those of the kitchen. Rather, information, ideas, and images circulate in and among the various sites where nutritional science is applied, including the clinic, the sickroom, and the exhibition.

Nevertheless, the ideal of modern science became increasingly hegemonic, such that by , almost all knowledge passed through a laboratory for verification, even if it originated among traditional or alternative schools of thought. Conventional experts nutritional advice Let us begin on one end of the continuum of nutritional knowledge, with mainstream scientists recommendations about what and how a healthy person should eat.

In , the reigning nutritional paradigm in Germany was the quantitative calorie paradigm Kalorienlehre of the Munich School of Metabolism. Open University Press, Rodopi, ; Joseph L. Barona, The Problem of Nutrition: Small children need proportionally less, while growing young people need more calories despite their relatively small size.

These numbers regularly appeared in nutritional advice to physicians and laypeople, usually calibrated to a kilogram man the Voit standard , and with two consequences. First, readers had to do the appropriate calculations for the nutritional needs of non-standard bodies themselves. Second, the debates over the protein minimum waged around were often fought over a theoretical construct that bore only a passing relationship to the size and activity levels of the majority of German bodies, which were younger, older, female, heavier, etc.

Indeed, almost immediately after the Munich group announced their findings, other scientists published results to refute such a high protein Peter Lang, Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth-Century Medicine, ed. For a critical look at Liebig s earlier work in Giessen, see Joseph S. Fruton, The Liebig Research Group: Brock, Justus von Liebig: The Chemical Gatekeeper Cambridge: Carpenter, Protein and Energy: William Prout is generally credited with recognizing the three major dietary macromolecules, saccharine, oily, and albuminous divisions carbohydrates, fats, and proteins: Reform nutritionists countered the prejudice toward meat by arguing that plantderived protein i.

How did herbivores derive their animal bodies from plant matter? What made meat nutritious? Was it possible to eat too much of it? In , two French scientists had realized that nitrogenous substances could be broken down into smaller and simpler building blocks. Albumin is the most abundant protein in egg whites.

The current term for those building blocks, amino acid Aminosäure , was not coined until , and only in the first decade of the twentieth century did biochemist Emil Fischer make his important contributions to understanding their properties.

Thus, proteins and carbohydrates produce 4. He thought this last observation was his most important contribution to nutritional research. Just as Justus von Liebig had applied organic chemistry to animal physiology, so Max Rubner applied individual physiology to human society in the name of rational nutrition. At the forefront of food biopolitics in early twentieth-century Germany, Rubner combined his training in quantitative methods with progressive bourgeois notions about biological and economic efficiency and performance.

For an survey of this institution in the twentieth century, see Theo Plesser and Hans-Ulrich Thamer, eds. Max Rubner, Volksernährungsfragen Leipzig: Deuticke, ; ibid. Allan Markoff and Alex Sandri-White, ed.

One cannot prove such a strengthening effect from the stand-point of physiology. As part of the social question in industrialized parts of Germany, union organizers and working-class laborers argued that employers should increase wages so that workers could afford to buy enough meat to reach grams per day.

Eine solche besondere kraftverleihende Wirkung vermag man vom physiologischen Standpunkt nicht nachzuweisen. Ernst von Leyden and George Klemperer, 2. Saunders, , The American physiologist relied heavily on Rubner s research when writing The Elements of the Science of Nutrition, which he dedicated to Carl von Voit.

The science of digestion But eating was never just a question of what, it also concerned how and when; at the same time those scientists were devoting their attention to quantifying nutrition in terms of calories or grams, others were intensely interested in understanding more qualitative and even subjective factors, such as the influence of appetite on digestion.

The French aphorism that authors across the spectrum of nutritional advice and lifestyle choices were fond of quoting one does not live on what one eats but on what one digests recognizes that meals can be rituals that accompany various social relationships, and that certain foods might hold particular, often emotional meanings status, comfort, celebration, illness, recovery ; however, it is the nutrients that actually sustain organic life.

Already in the early nineteenth century, the importance of eating, of A common argument was that when protein was broken down, it produced large amounts of nitrogen-containing byproducts that had to be cleared from the blood by the kidneys, and meat was a known risk factor for gout.

Pickering and Chatto, , , On vegetarian clubs that sponsored sporting events between carnivores and vegetarians, see Sabina Merta, Wege und Irrwege zum modernen Schlankheitskult. Diätkost und Körperkultur als Suche nach neuen Lebenstilsformen Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, ,. This is a telescopic perspective. In the interest of the food economy of their bodies, therefore, individuals were supposed to take certain steps to facilitate or even enhance the digestibility of their meals.

One widespread belief was that foods that looked, smelled, and tasted good such as soups stimulated the nerves that controlled the production and secretion of gastric juices, thereby enhancing the breakdown of food into monosaccharides, amino acids, and fatty acids that the body could absorb. Good physiology digestion, absorption also depended on a good table aesthetics. Other common recommendations were to eat meals punctually and to avoid consuming dishes or drinks that were too hot or too cold, as these habits would disrupt the dynamics of the digestive process or damage the delicate mucosa lining the gastro-intestinal tract.

Digestion was supposed to be strongest in the middle of the day, so the typical German ate a cold breakfast, a large, hot lunch, and a small dinner with one or two coffee or beer breaks between meals. DH Nr 24 Sept. Otto Dornblüth, Diätetisches Kochbuch, 2. Oxford University Press, , ; Mark S. Disease and its Interpretations Princeton: They knew that the salivary enzyme amylase or ptyalin breaks down starch into smaller carbohydrate fragments.

This fact was often trotted out to buttress etiquette mavens admonishments to chew food properly, since digestion begins in the mouth. However, despite French experimentalist Claude Bernard s groundbreaking work on the liver s role in storing carbohydrates and on various digestive fluids, pancreatic secretions proved more vexing.

In fact, it was in the course of refining this understanding that Josef Freiherr von Mering and Oskar Minkowski completely extirpated the pancreas from a dog and discovered the association of that organ with the carbohydrate disorder diabetes mellitus in However, identification of the responsible internal secretion insulin eluded researchers for another three decades.

German physiatrist Ludwig Brieger began writing about the toxic by-products of the intestinal putrefaction of animal proteins in , and in he published an influential paper naming these ptomaines. His observations led to a widespread interest in the possibility of safe-guarding human health by reducing the formation and absorption of these noxious products from the colon, explained nutritional scientist Elmer Verner McCollum in his A History of Nutrition.

X-rays allowed two curious American medical students, Walter B. Cannon and Ernest Amory Codmon , to show how the anatomy of the stomach in living bodies differs from that in cadavers and to track gastric motility during digestion.

Dresden Municipal Physician Dr. Franz Dienemann , in his book of wartime food advice for laypeople, described it this way: Cannon and Ernest A. Clifford Barger, and Elin L. Belknap Press, , Daniel P.

Todes, Pavlov s Physiology Factory: Experiment, Interpretation, a oratory Enterprise Baltimore: Food in the digestive tract is in the body, in so far as it is surrounded on all sides by human flesh. But the long continuous tube from mouth to anus does not overtly communicate with the rest of the body; substances in it are not yet self.

The process of digestion not only moved food from outside to inside to inner inside a spatial transition it also effected a hierarchical transition from the macro to the micro. The inner inside was especially the realm of cells. Dienemann explained that the amount of food a person has to eat depends on how much work he performs with his body, but in the end our metabolism is really the metabolism of our cells.

In them and through them play out all the processes in our body. Via the connectivity of the telescopic body, therefore, the biochemistry of muscle, brain, and other cells dictated the physiological instinct to eat. This was translated into the social act of eating meals, which in turn carried higher-level cultural, political, and economic meanings and repercussions.

Different diets for different bodies Unsurprisingly, adherents to alternative medicine and to the broader life reform movement could often be distinguished by their food and drink choices. On Theorizing Subjectivities, Subjectivity: International Journal of Critical Psychology 22, no. In ihnen und durch sie speilen sich alle Vorgänge in unserem Körper ab. Heinrich Lahmann characterized his countrymen s dietary habits as anything goes in: Because a man who swallows oysters and champagne, lives, and because another who eats potatoes and curds [Quark], also lives, most people think that it makes no difference what we eat or drink.

We learn as children from our teachers that the stomach is, so to speak, a self-thinking and acting organism, a faithful servant, which separates what is bad from what is good, regardless of what we put into it. It is true that while mainstream nutritionists around preached the physical and moral virtues of good eating habits, they were less concerned about deviation toward too rich a diet than too poor.

Rubner would have said that no one should eat oysters and drink champagne all the time, but neither should one have to confine oneself to potatoes and quark. Indeed, for all their internal sectarianism and despite the multitude of theories and special therapies, alternative practitioners were united in their rejection of the reductionism, drugs, and surgery of allopathy and in their commitment to gentle remedies and the healing power of nature.

Otto Spamer, , In fact, among mainstream physicians, oysters and champagne were supposed to be good for convalescents who needed stimulation rather than nutrition.

Robert Jütte, Guenter B. Risse, and John Woodward, Sheffield: Their lifestyles reputedly took into account subjective measures of quality in addition to quantity. Many promoted abstention from tobacco and alcohol as well as the health and moral benefits of a low- or no-meat diet. The dietary advice of the professional groups differed because they tended to understand physiology and pathology differently.

Most mainstream physicians viewed the body in reductive terms, as a set of organ systems subject to external, pathological micro-organisms as well as to internal, cellular pathologies. This viewpoint is easily demonstrated by the division of Josef von Mering s textbook anatomically from most to least common conditions, beginning outside the body with acute infectious diseases, then continuing with diseases of the respiratory system namely tuberculosis, the chronic killer , those of the cardiovascular system, and so on through nervous system chapters increasingly lengthy over the years all the way to relatively rare endocrine disorders, poisons, and accidents.

Allopaths like Otto Dornblüth generally perceived and treated their patients bodies as closed, comprehensible units that would react to therapies in European Association for the History of Medicine and Health Publications, ; Claudia Huerkamp, Medizinische Lebensreform im späten Die Naturheilbewegung in Deutschland als Protest gegen die naturwissenschaftliche Universitätsmedizin, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 73, no.

Such unity, however tenuous, helped irregulars withstand the attacks on their legitimacy by regulars. University of Chicago Press, , Of the large literature on nutrition and alternative medicine in modern Germany, let me mention here just two: Vegetarianism as a Moral Physiology.

However, drugs and surgery were not the only or necessarily the first prescriptions physicians wrote; they often prescribed dietary changes for a variety of diagnoses, from nephritis to heart failure to tuberculosis. Although scientific authors complained that laypersons believed that the sick needed to be strengthened with meat as if it contained some mystical property, they themselves continued to characterize the sick as weak individuals who bodies could not digest protein in the amounts or forms i.

Anna Fischer-Dückelmann tended to perceive their patients bodies as open, dynamic, and able to heal themselves if encouraged by gentle remedies rather than irritated or damaged by drugs and surgery. They frequently divided their books for fellow professionals as well as for laypeople not anatomically but according to subject: Lahmann s theory of dysaemia, corpulence and anemia, the cause and treatment of cancer, childbed fever.

For example, the edition of Fischer-Dückelmann s popular household book contains numerous detailed illustrations of microscope images of tuberculosis bacilli, of the anatomy of the inner ear, and even of the embryonic development of the male and female reproductive systems. Otto and Hedwig Dornblüth s Diätetisches Kochbuch includes half a dozen recipes for beefsteak: Naturopaths saw human bodies as capable of healing themselves, but they also bemoaned the conditions that prevented this: Only individuals educated about hygiene, rational diet, and the healthful effects of light, air, and water would be able to attain and maintain health.

In this way, naturopathy was a natural and expected outgrowth of the culture of self-help in the late nineteenth century, part of the continuum of nutritional knowledges and practices from laboratory to kitchen. Only with Frederick Gowland Hopkins article Feeding Experiments Illustrating the Importance of Accessory Food Factors in Normal Dietaries , in which the biochemist laid out clear experimental proof that a healthful diet required more than calories and protein, did researchers like Rubner begin to consider them seriously.

Hughes, James Lind and the Cure of Scurvy: An Experimental Approach, Medical History 19, no. On the danger of raw fruit for pregnant women, especially on an empty stomach in the morning, Dornblüth, Diätetisches Kochbuch , ; , It wasn t so long ago that raw fruit would be taken out of the hands of children as hazardous to their health [gesundheitsschädlich]: Today we know that raw fruit is indispensable for the development of children s bodies and give it in appropriate forms and amounts even to small children.

Verlag von Velhagen und Klasing, , Alexander R. Bay, Beriberi in Modern Japan: University of Rochester Press, Harper, and Robert E. Olson, Experiments that Changed Nutritional Thinking. Proceedings of a Minisymposium. Food chemists like Carl Arthur Scheunert and Alfred Robert Heiduschka led a new generation of experts that valued plant-based foods especially vegetables at least as much as the previous generation had valued animal-based ones especially meat.

They trumpeted calorie-, protein-, and carbohydrate-poor vegetables like spinach, carrots, and tomatoes as sources of Ergänzungsstoffe supplementary substances that meat and refined white bread could not provide. Some animal products namely milk and butter retained their privileged positions on the dining table on account of their newly discovered vitamin A and D content.

Whole-grain bread and unpolished rice, which conventional scientific wisdom had considered difficult to digest, were re-defined as sources of vitamin B and ballast fiber. Leafy green vegetables were touted for their anti-scurvy vitamin C activity. Finally, while cookbook authors in the s had instructed women to blanch most vegetables to make them more digestible and considered stewed fruit useful only for its variety and sugar content, by the s they cautioned against blanching on account of the loss of nutrient salts Nährsalze , and by the mids they recommended a vitamin- and mineral-rich daily diet that included some raw fruit and vegetables.

Overall standards of nutrition were increasing, and the body consciousness of the life reform movement was becoming more mainstream, thanks to the health consumerism encouraged by the Reformhäuser, Thalysia, Eden, Lahmann, and other commercial ventures for products that promised to bring their buyers back to nature. The consumption of rye rather than wheat was also a question of food autonomy politics, the domestic agriculture lobby, and of the national import economy, all of which was difficult to disentangle from experts recommendations to eat more whole grains.

Food manufacturers and advertisers knew that consumers cared about products that looked, smelled, and tasted good; that were healthy and safe i.

Palgrave Macmillan, ; ibid. Regulierung von Nahrungsmittelqualität in der Industrialisierung Göttingen: Beginning in the s and s, Dutch and German scientists developed butter substitutes derived from beef fat; in the s they figured out how to hydrogenate vegetable oils from sunflower seeds, soy beans, and cottonseeds. Price inflation and shortages of animal fats like butter and lard made margarine an attractive if scarce replacement. After the war, butter s market profile redoubled when research revealed that it naturally contains vitamins A and D and margarine does not.

By the mids, however, production capabilities had improved to allow the supplementation of margarine with vitamins. Oddy and Alain Drouard, Farnham, Eng.: Alexander Köhler, , C.

Ernährungsrevolution ad for Dr. Lahmanns Vitamin-Pflanzenbutter, DH 25, no. See also Sally M. Horrocks, The Business of Vitamins: Despite the differences between regular and irregular medicine in terms of body concepts and clinical philosophies, they increasingly shared a single ideal of laboratorybased science. The scientist ought to approach the topic objectively and be willing to admit that his hypothesis was wrong if the data contradicted it.

Even researchers outside the mainstream, such as Ragnar Berg, considered themselves legitimate scientists working under same assumptions as those occupying university chairs or benches in government institutes. Nevertheless, members of both sides were willing to fudge the details in practice to arrive at the proper conclusions: Emil Abderhalden was a respected biochemist for the half centuries before and after his death, even though he employed sloppy and subjective exper- Harmke Kamminga, Vitamins and the Dynamics of Molecularization: Soraya de Chadarevian and Harmke Kamminga, Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, , 94; Rima D.

Apple, To Protect the Interest of the Public: Vitamins, Marketing, and Research, in Vitamania: Rutgers University Press, , ; Sally M. Rodopi, , esp This hypothesis began with American researchers: Olszweski, The Causal Conundrum: Disputes over the appropriate setting for research had effects outside the laboratory, such as when governments put nutritionists advice into national policy during World War I.

On the question of the digestibility of whole grains, Max Rubner favored analytical data from samples he had collected from just two subjects over Mikkel Hindhede s impressionistic observations of three million Danish citizens forced onto a high-bran, lacto-vegetarian diet by the Allied blockade, in what was essentially a population-level experiment in the newer ideas on nutrition. Regular medicine could not cure many diseases in or in , but for many on-lookers, it had demonstrated its superiority to empiricism, tradition, and common sense through the seemingly ever-more-precise description of anatomy and physiology in terms of tissues, cells, and molecules.

Bacteriology was likewise an explanatory and diagnostic triumph that required laboratory skills and equipment. Ulrich Charpa and Ute Deichmann, Tubingen: Ashgate, ; Jörg Melzer, Vollwerternährung: Franz Steiner, ,. Even though the camps frequently began with different premises and ended with different conclusions, their claims about the wisdom of nature or the superiority of culture increasingly had to pass through the conceptual and experimental rigors of the laboratory on their way to the clinic, the sick room, and the kitchen.

The chapters in Part I show how mainstream and alternative nutritionists increasingly employed scientific rhetoric and a telescopic perspective to argue for their preferred foodways. Thus, Germans were exposed to a variety of knowledges about their eating and digesting bodies.

They must have understood that their bodies had complicated relationships with food. Muscles, nerves, secretions, hormones, and enzymes had to coordinate to break down and assimilate the food they ate into the substance of and fuel for their bodies.

Of course, some ate only what was available and affordable, while others had the free time and disposable income to learn about and practice one of several recommended diets as a lifestyle choice. They could choose, for instance, between a traditional meat- and calorie-laden Hausmannskost like that served in many restaurants; a low-meat diet that balanced dietary acids and bases; or a no-meat diet that emphasized the energy of the sun.

These knowledges appeared on Germans tables in the form of a breakfast of porridge with fresh milk; or a warm midday meal served at the same time every day; or a raw salad with dinner rather than a dish of boiled vegetables in white sauce.

From this plurality of normal eating habits came different systems for feeding the sick, the subject of Chapter 1. Kunerona Plant-Butter free from animal fats. Then one forms round, finger-thick patties from it, sprinkles them with salt and some pepper, and fries them in browned butter over a strong fire for two minutes on each side. In the remaining butter one then quickly browns two onions chopped in fine cubes, pours some water in the pan and then the sauce over the beef, which is therefore best served in a deeper bowl.

Only wash the lettuce shortly before its use, times, and let it drip dry. It may not be left lying in water, because otherwise too much of the juice will be leached out.

When serving first pour on the oil olive oil , swish the lettuce well in it and dribble the lemon juice 1 spoonful for 2 spoons of oil over it, add 1 spoonful of sugar and mix the salad well Geschabtes Rindstück Deutsches Beefsteak.

Dann formt man runde fingerdicke Scheiben davon, bestreut sie in der vorher gebräunten Butter auf starkem Feuer auf jeder Seite zwei Minuten. Curt Kabitzsch, , Kopfsalat. Man verliest den Salat, wobei man aber die Blattrippchen gespalten mit verwendet. Gewaschen wird der Salat erst kurz vor dem Gebrauch und zwar Mal, worauf man ihn gut abtropfen lässt. Im Wasser liegen bleiben darf derselbe durchaus nicht, da sonst der Saft zu sehr ausgelaugt würde.

Beim Anmachen giesst man zuerst das Oel Olivenöl daran, schwengt den Salat gut darin um und träuft nun den Citronensaft 1 Löffel voll auf 2 Löffel voll Oel darüber, giebt 1 Löffel voll Zucker dazu und macht den Salat durcheinander. Alexander Köhler, ,. I wanted to pave the way for it in the field of public health and healthy eating in the life of the family.

I followed this path for years as a contributor to Public Health and Hygiene Magazine. The last building block is my book Dietary Cooking, which appeared last year and in which the recipes especially for metabolic diseases and diabetes are specifically crafted in their ingredients and their flavor according to medical prescriptions. I wanted to rescue the sick from their monotonous diet, [Hedwig Heyl] said, laughing.

Her gaze sought the horizon, as if she stood at so many sick beds where the housewife was serving delicious food to the patient perhaps according to one of her recipes.

Hedwig Crüsemann Heyl educator, author, organizer, and local politician was reminiscing about her influence on the field of nutrition for the healthy and the sick. Thanks to her intelligence, charm, and leadership capabilities, this young widow and mother of five children had become an authority in the new field of domestic science.

One biographer wrote of her first best-seller, The ABCs of the Kitchen , that probably for the first time scientific knowledge of nutrition was the basis of everyday cooking practice. Berlin] war ihr eine besondere Freude, denn sagte sie damals und auch kürzlich, als wir plauderten im Anfang meiner Arbeit las ich mit Bewunderung das berühmte Buch von Professor von Leyden und dachte damals viel darüber nach, wie ich der Wissenschaft dienen und ihr Wege auf dem Gebiet der Volkshygiene und der gesunden Ernährung in das Leben der Familie ebnen könnte.

Diese Wege ging ich dann als jahrelange Mitarbeiterin der Blätter für Volkshygiene und Volksgesundheit und der letzte Baustein ist mein vorjährig erschienenes Buch Diätküche, wo die Rezepte besonders für Stoffwechsel- und Zuckerkranke nach den ärztlichen Vorschriften genau in ihren Zutaten und auf ihre Schmackhaftigkeit hin berechnet sind. Ich wollte gern den Kranken von ihrer eintönigen Kost weghelfen, sagte sie lächelnd und ihr Blick suchte das Weite, als stände sie an vielen Krankenbetten, wo die Hausfrau dem Patienten vielleicht nach einem ihrer Rezepte ein schmackhaftes Essen darreicht.

Elise von Hopffgarten, Plauderstunden mit Dr. Hedwig Heyl, Dresdner Hausfrau 28, no. Ein Lebensbild Hedwig Heyl Leipzig: Heyl developed Das ABC der Küche while teaching working-class girls and women at her husband s chemicals factory how to cook. The cookbook went through fourteen editions Berlin: Carl Habel, , She credits internist Ernst von Leyden s Handbook of Nutritional Therapy and Dietetics for her inspiration, although it appeared a decade after she began publishing.

In both her recommendations and her reminiscences, Heyl defers to the status and expertise of physicians, despite her years of personal and professional experience and acclaim including an honorary medical degree from the University of Berlin in This episode reflects both her modesty and conservatism and the co-dependence of mostly male spheres of influence laboratory science, clinical medicine and mostly female ones the kitchen, the sick room.

Carl Habel, ; and ibid. The ingredient amounts and price suggestions are for single servings, so we can assume they were intended for private, in-home nursing rather than for use in institutions with large numbers of patients like hospitals or sanatoria.

We know this small book was itended for private, inhome nursing, because it calculates recipe amounts and price guidelines for a single patient rather than the large groups that would have been found in an institution.

Recognizable forms of such neo humoral dietetics persisted at least until the rise of heroic medicine in the late-eighteenth century, at which point a strain of therapeutic nihilism evolved among learned physicians who felt it was better to do nothing than to harm the patient. Naturopaths, homeopaths, hydropaths, and other practitioners marketed themselves as alternatives to mainstream physicians who offered either strong medicine or only symptomatic care, and they frequently promised to cure cases declared topf und Krankenbett.

Diätassistentinnen in Deutschland , Medizin in Geschichte und Gesellschaft 23 Women audited German medical classes from the late s; state licensure was opened to them in ; and German medical schools began admitting them in Nevertheless, the number of practicing female M.

Please enter your password Forgotten your password? Continue Cancel Send email OK. Page 1 of 1. With many parents engaged in war work, children are being taught the facts of point rationing for helping out in family marketing. People waiting for soup in Berlin, The Blockade of Germany, from , was a prolonged naval operation conducted by the Allied Powers during and after WWI in an effort to restrict the maritime supply of goods to the Central Powers.

It is considered one of the key elements in the eventual Allied victory in the war. The German government made strong attempts to counter the effects of the blockade; a complicated rationing system initially introduced in January aimed to ensure that a minimum nutritional need was met, with 'war kitchens' providing cheap mass meals to impoverished civi Food economy propaganda, Keighley, Yorks The Great War front page Minister of Food Control, Lord Devonport An eager school boy gets his first experience in using War Ration Book Two.

Photo by Alfred Palmer. Overcrowded trains after the war ended in in Berlin - People sit even on the buffers between the carriages in Berlin, Germany. The text on the back of the picture reads: